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How to stop Australian democracy going the way of the US

Around the world, democracy as a system of government is backsliding. After more than 50 years of liberal democracy in ascendancy, democratic progress plateaued around the turn of the century and is now going backwards.

In 2025, there were only 31 liberal democracies out of 179 countries assessed. And the United States – once the poster child for democracy – was downgraded from “liberal democracy” to “electoral democracy” because of declining checks and balances on power, freedom of expression and civil rights and equality before the law.

Australia is one of the few remaining liberal democracies, and a leading one at that. But we are not immune to anti-democratic forces or the fraying international rules-based order.

A new Grattan Institute report, For the people: Future-proofing Australia’s democracy, identifies the main vulnerabilities for Australia’s democracy and opportunities to build a better, more resilient democratic system.

A bright light in a dark landscape

Australia comes from a place of strength. We are one of the world’s leading democracies, consistently ranking highly on international measures of democratic health, as well as on a suite of economic and social measures – including life expectancy, human development, employment, and GDP (gross domestic product) per capita.

This is no coincidence. Our democracy underpins our prosperity and safeguards our rights and freedoms. International evidence shows democracy supports peace and economic growth, while delivering longer lives and more education.

Social trust matters too. Countries with higher interpersonal trust – like Australia – tend to have higher economic growth and lower income inequality, which in turn support democratic resilience.

But the world order in which Australia has flourished is now being seriously tested. These are more turbulent times not just for our economy or standard of living, but for liberal democracies themselves.

Fuel for discontent is building

Our report takes stock of Australia’s greatest asset: the health of our democracy.

The good news is that Australians’ support for democracy has been consistently strong – even growing over time. Only a small share of the population is discontent or disengaged with the system, and the data do not suggest either have been spreading.

The bad news is that our social compact is under pressure. This is showing up in growing economic pessimism, worry for future generations, concern about unfairness, declining sense of belonging, and low trust in political actors.

While support for democracy remains high in Australia, satisfaction with how our democracy actually works is more fragile.

Satisfaction with democracy is typically lower among groups who are less well served by the status quo. Most obviously, our institutions have persistently failed First Nations Australians, and don’t fully support new migrants.

Lower-income Australians and those with financial concerns tend to report lower trust and satisfaction with democracy.

Renters are less satisfied than homeowners, and people in regional areas tend to be less satisfied than people in cities.

Migrants are an interesting exception here. Migrants (except for those from the United Kingdom) are typically more satisfied than people born in Australia with the way democracy works here, despite the disadvantages they often face living here. This may, at least in part, be due to direct experience with other systems.

Everyone needs confidence that the system can work for them, even if it doesn’t always. Groups who persistently lack security, opportunity, or solidarity under the current system cannot reasonably be expected to trust or defend it.

3 big risks

Where there is fuel for discontent, there is increasing risk that global challenges could spark a blaze. Three inter-related global risks are particularly testing for democracies.

First, the decline in traditional news media and the rise of online and social news sources are fragmenting our fact base, and making misinformation and extreme views more salient in people’s daily lives.

Second, global political tensions and the rise of anti-democratic forces overseas are testing Australia’s social cohesion at home.

And third, the heightened probability of economic, social, and environmental shocks increases the challenges democratic governments face to deliver better outcomes for their people.

These are risks – not eventualities. The resilience of our democracy is in its capacity to recognise challenges and collectively respond.

And 5 ways forward

Our research and consultation identified five priorities for Australia to build a better and more resilient democracy:

1. Make the most of our parliament

Our elected federal parliament sits at the centre of Australia’s democracy. An independent review should consider how to make it more representative and better functioning – to rebuild trust in politics, improve administration of government and enable better long-term decision-making.

2. Nurture belonging and engagement

We need more ways to have a say and be heard and clearer pathways to citizenship. Our public sector leaders should also be actively stitching public engagement into the fabric of our existing institutions.

3. Protect our public sphere

A healthier public sphere requires ensuring the sustainability of our news media and investing in institutions that produce trusted information. We should also experiment with responses to misinformation, to work out which approaches are effective at scale.

4. Tackle the known policy challenges

In a democracy, process matters, but so do outcomes. Australians need confidence that our system of government can work for them and build something better than the status quo.

5. Prepare for the future

Crises are the moments that build trust, or lose it, and the future will almost certainly be more volatile. Governments can prepare by reducing our vulnerability to known risks, building fiscal buffers and calibrating expectations about what governments can reasonably do to cushion the blow.

Governments can and should lead on this. But we mustn’t forget that in a democracy, we govern ourselves. This is a task for all of us.The Conversation

The Conversation

 

Kate Griffiths, Democracy Deputy Program Director, Grattan Institute; Aruna Sathanapally, Chief Executive, Grattan Institute, and Matthew Bowes, Senior Associate, Economic Prosperity and Democracy, Grattan Institute

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

 

  •   6 May 2026
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9 Comments
John
May 07, 2026

This article and the report behind it seem to be saying populism is a problem, rather than acknowledging populism arises because established parties are failing to listen. For instance, excessive migration has trashed housing affordability. Establishment parties in Canada and New Zealand recognised this mistake and reversed course, but Labor and the Greens continue to gaslight Australians on this issue. The failure to reform our tax system, allowing crime to become commonplace (e.g. illicit tobacco and alcohol) and blatant waste of taxpayer’s money (NDIS, defence, corporate and middle income welfare) are all good reasons for Australians to vote for non-establishment parties/candidates, whether that be teals or One Nation.

The primary issue with US democracy is the blatant Gerrymandering, which Australia has resolved by having an independent electoral commission.

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Alan
May 07, 2026

The big problem is the failing education system, schools and universities, which brainwash kids in left wing ideologies. A lot of these ideologies are plainly stupid but dressed up as being compassionate/virtuous - saving the world. Most of the kids have no idea about what they are protesting against. Which political party has the guts to defund the universities and take on the teacher unions!

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Steve
May 07, 2026

I recall a very salient comment from Malcolm Turnbull after he lost the PM-ship and spent a couple of months in the US on holiday. He was asked what he thought was the main difference and he said compulsory voting - this forces parties towards the centre as when you go far left or far right you lose more votes in the centre than you gain at the fringe. The Shorten-Bowen flame out supported that premise pretty well. But I suspect newer factors are in play. Our parents and grandparents were certainly more frugal than the current populace and were as likely to vote against a party offering too many goodies as anything, their more conservative and frugal upbringing in the depression coming into play. Now we have the opposite - voters only seem to care for which party offers them the most goodies. Who pays? Who cares! And this is where democracy is in trouble - when more people care about what the government can do for them than what they can do for the country (to paraphrase someone) we are in for trouble. And this may be the chink in democracies armour that China can exploit.

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James#
May 08, 2026

"Australia is one of the few remaining liberal democracies, and a leading one at that."

Really!?

I posit that our democracy is under attack from the elected government. Never before has so much been hidden and obfuscated and so many lies told. Democracy is about listening to and respecting the wishes of the people, not ignoring them and persisting with ideological agendas. It's about having honest conversations and civil debate to gain consensus for change. The Ancient Greek founders of democracy would be turning in their graves!

A few examples, (feel free to add your own):

- so much now is hidden under the guise of "commercial in confidence" (green energy developments.) It's our money, we have a right to know what we're on the hook for.

- access to information under freedom of information made more difficult and redactions at a ridiculous level

- deliberate creative accounting on steroids with regard to expenditure and budgets. So much now "off-budget" reducing transparency

- repeated breaking of electoral promises and making significant changes without seeking electoral mandate

- attempts to curtail freedom of speech (one of democracies pillars) under the guise of misinformation and disinformation & the ridiculous premise that government decides what is true and can't be guilty of either itself

- electoral lies and scare campaigns (Medi-scare and nuclear scare campaigns. Technology is much advanced since Chernobyl)

- petty, divisive partisan politics, class and generational warfare being stoked for venal political reasons and often not in the best long term interests of the country

- productivity (and hence living standards) is going backwards because of over regulation and policy changes favouring unions over others.

I note, (without further comment) from Google that "The Conversation" is generally perceived as leaning left or progressive and that its authors are exclusively academics and researchers and work for Grattan Institute.

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Michael
May 07, 2026

Through divisive political policies Australia is being divided into tribal factions. This is consistent across all political party policies, with Australians becoming less tolerant of the views of others and the unwillingness to rationally debate issues on available evidence, irrespective of where that evidence evolved from, but rather follow ideological mantras. Overtime leading to lower levels social cohesion and trust with negative impacts on democracy and social freedoms.

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Bryan
May 07, 2026

Perhaps it is too late to stop - it is already in place at the State and Federal level!
Consider the narrow view of the political parties, the lack of consensus negotiation, the dictatorial governance process, the lies and the politicization of the civil service.
Seems very similar to me.

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Bernie Masters
May 07, 2026

The report this article refers to was produced by The Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) project which, according to AI, has "its focus on liberal democratic values leads to criticisms that it has a pro-liberal or, in some contexts, slight left-liberal bias." This explains the statement "declining checks and balances on power, freedom of expression and civil rights and equality before the law" in the USA's democracy, a statement I do not accept. Clearly, the criticism of the USA is directed towards the Trump administration which, putting aside the president's bravado and difficult to interpret language, has been shown over the last few months to still be subject to rigorous checks, no restrictions on freedom of expression and full equality before the law etc. Australian democracy therefore has little to fear about the future of its democracy if it goes down a similar path to that of the USA.

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Stephen
May 07, 2026

Bernie, I'm assuming your comment is in jest but in case it's not consider the following. An administration that sues news media, that uses the Federal Communication Commission to investigate and threatens to withdraw a TV licences because it takes offence to a late night comedian or dislikes licensees diversity, equity and inclusion work programs, removes journalists of some media organisations from the White House press pool and celebrates the reduction in voting rights after a ruling by a Supreme Court it has stacked has certainly attempted to reduce freedom of expression and full equality of individuals before the law.

These actions are authoritarian. They are not consistent with liberal democracy as practiced in most Western democracies.

Also you need to be careful in interpreting a statement by US based AI. The term "liberal" in the US is often used as a term of disparagement. A person or position considered "liberal" in the US would be considered centrist in most Western countries.

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