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Rent inflation and the missing policy

Rent is the defining issue of Australia's cost of living crisis. It has risen nearly 40% since 2020 and is consuming a record share of household income. The root cause of the rental crisis is the gap between the number of people who need housing and the number of dwellings being built to house them. The chart below shows an uncomfortable truth: annualised net overseas migration against total dwelling completions from 1996 to the present.


Source: FactSet, Vertium

Despite net migration coming off its record breaking 2022-23 peak, it is still running at an elevated level around 311,000 per year. Total dwelling completions are running at approximately 175,000, slightly below pre-COVID levels. The gap between demand and supply represents the structural shortfall that is driving rental inflation. Net migration and dwelling completions capture the core drivers of rental supply and demand. Adjusting for other factors such as household formation rates, the proportion of completions available for rent, or changes in existing rental stock would refine the analysis but not change the broad conclusion.

Over three decades, total dwelling completions have moved within a relatively narrow band, averaging about 165,000 per year. This stability is driven by house completions, which have been anchored at around 105,000 throughout. Apartment completions are more volatile — surging from around 30% of total completions prior to 2010 to nearly 50% at the 2017 peak before settling back to around 35%. But because they represent the smaller share of total completions, their volatility is dampened at the aggregate level.


Source: FactSet, Vertium

The simple economics of rent

While apartments represent the smaller share of completions, they matter because they deliver supply at a volume detached housing cannot match. A single high-rise approval can yield hundreds of dwellings on a hectare of land where detached housing yields around fifteen. When the apartment pipeline runs at capacity, rental supply grows fast enough to absorb population growth and rents ease. When it stalls, nothing else compensates for the volume lost. Apartments are the release valve — and investor presale demand is the mechanism that opens it. The chart below plots the ratio of net overseas migration to apartment completions against CPI rent growth from 1997 to the present. The relationship between the two is unmistakable.


Source: FactSet, Vertium

Two rent booms

Australia has experienced two distinct episodes of severe rental inflation, one before the 2008 Global Financial Crisis (GFC) and one after the 2020 COVID pandemic. The underlying drivers were virtually identical: strong net overseas migration landing in a market where dwelling completions could not keep pace. The following chart shows the 3-year change in annual net migration and apartment completions to highlight the gap between demand and supply.


Source: FactSet, Vertium

In the pre-GFC episode, Australia's resources boom led to net overseas migration accelerating sharply, lifting net migration from 2006, while multi-dwelling completions experienced a decline. The migration-to-completions ratio rose sharply, and CPI rents surged. Rents eventually stabilised as migration fell in the aftermath of the resources bust. Lower rates used to stimulate the economy during the GFC also encouraged housing supply, which gradually rebalanced the housing market and further eased rent growth.

The post-COVID episode followed the same script, only more severely. Net overseas migration surged, eclipsing the migration dip during the lockdowns. This demand landed in a rental market where the supply pipeline had been hollowing out for years, compounded by post-COVID supply chain problems that extended construction timelines.

Despite comparable peak CPI rent growth of around 8% for both episodes, the post-COVID episode has felt far worse for renters. In the mid-2000s, the resources boom delivered strong economic growth and wages broadly kept pace with rising rents. After COVID, the picture reversed. Lacklustre economic growth and weak productivity left wages struggling, while inflation pushed workers into higher tax brackets. Bracket creep is eroding after-tax purchasing power. Full-time workers are now paying an average of 20% of their income in tax, the highest in over two decades. The result is that renters facing a 40% surge in rents since 2020 have done so with after-tax incomes that have barely moved in real terms. Australian households are now dedicating a record 33% of household income to rent, nearly double the 18% recorded in 2007-08. The rental crisis is not just a housing problem — it is the cost-of-living crisis.

Rent relief period

It was not always this way. Between these two rent booms sits an episode of genuine rental relief. Falling interest rates from 2012 fuelled strong capital gains expectations for housing, which in turn produced a boom in investor lending. The major banks — Commonwealth Bank, National Australia Bank, Westpac and ANZ Group — were the engine of this boom, growing their investor mortgage books aggressively as demand surged. By early 2017, interest-only loans represented 64% of all new investor lending. This capital funded a record apartment construction pipeline. Critically, this supply boom occurred despite the restrictive planning rules commentators today cite as the primary impediment to new supply. When investor lending economics were favourable, the market found a way.

The surge in apartment supply produced a prolonged period of subdued rent growth from 2016 to 2020. Completions surged while net migration was subdued and the ratio fell. CPI rent growth approached zero. For renters, it was genuine relief delivered entirely by private investor capital responding to market incentives.

While renters benefited from the excess supply, APRA grew concerned about the housing boom. Worried about systemic risk from concentrated interest-only lending, APRA imposed a cap in March 2017 limiting interest-only loans to no more than 30% of new residential mortgages. The major banks were forced to reprice interest-only loans higher and restrict approvals, directly curtailing the investor lending that had been driving apartment supply. Investor loan growth collapsed. The apartment presale market, which depends on investor buyers to unlock construction finance, dried up. The supply pipeline that had been delivering rental relief collapsed almost overnight. Fortunately, net migration remained stable and rents held steady.

The missing policy

The lesson from 30 years of data is clear: reducing rent inflation requires pulling two levers.

Lever one: reduce population growth

Immigration is one of Australia's great economic strengths. It brings skills, diversity and long-run productivity benefits. But like any good policy taken to an extreme, the costs eventually outweigh the benefits. Annual net migration running at 311,000 into a market completing 175,000 annual dwellings is not an immigration policy — it is a housing and cost of living crisis. Moderating migration to levels the housing stock can absorb reduces rental demand pressure directly and immediately. The international evidence is unambiguous. New Zealand, Canada and the United States all cut immigration materially in 2024-25, and in each case rental inflation decelerated sharply within months. Migration is the demand lever governments can pull immediately.

Lever two: incentivise investor lending for new builds

Investor credit conditions drove the 2013-2017 apartment supply boom. Unless the government plans to subsidise every dwelling itself, it needs to unleash the private sector. The new build negative gearing exemption creates the right incentive. For listed residential developers like Mirvac and Stockland, the exemption is a potential demand tailwind, but making it work requires credit conditions that allow investors to act on it. Today, those credit conditions are more restrictive than at any point during the 2013-2017 boom.

APRA should consider reducing the 3% serviceability buffer that was set for emergency interest rates in 2021. Now that the cash rate has normalised, the serviceability buffer is suppressing the investor borrowing capacity that drives apartment supply. More importantly, the single most effective policy lever to recreate the apartment supply boom is lower interest rates. But the RBA cannot cut rates in an environment where government spending is stoking demand. Every dollar of government spending that adds to inflation delays the rate cuts that would unlock investor lending for new builds and ease the rental crisis.

Yet the government's supply response largely bypasses the private sector. The National Housing Accord, announced in October 2022, targets 1.2 million new homes over five years, or 240,000 completions per year. The problem is that the absolute peak of the greatest investor lending boom in Australian history delivered only 223,000 completions in the year to March 2017. The reason the target will likely be missed is simple: the Accord offers very little incentive to the private market that drives apartment supply. Its spending is overwhelmingly directed at social and affordable housing. The Accord contains no mechanism that replicates the credit conditions which produced the only episode of genuine rental relief.

Conclusion

The supply-demand framework is not complicated. Rents rise when migration outpaces housing supply and fall when supply catches up. History has demonstrated this in Australia and the international evidence confirms it is not unique to this country.

What is complicated is the political will to pull the levers that work. Moderating migration, recreating the credit conditions that built the last apartment boom, and resisting fiscal spending that keeps inflation elevated and delays rate cuts that would unlock private sector construction — these are the levers that move rents. Until those levers are pulled, the negative gearing reform will have little impact and Australia's cost of living crisis will remain unresolved for the third of Australians who rent.

 

Jason Teh is the founder and Chief Investment Officer of Vertium Asset Management; and a Portfolio Manager at Clime Investment Management Limited, a sponsor of Firstlinks. This article is general in nature and does not constitute or convey personal financial advice. It has been prepared without consideration of anyone’s financial situation, needs, or financial objectives. Before acting on the areas discussed and contained herein, you should consider whether it is appropriate for you and whether you need to seek professional advice.

For more articles and papers from Clime, click here.

 

  •   27 May 2026
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19 Comments
Pat
May 28, 2026

What we need is government policy to drive investors towards new builds and away from recycling established dwellings....

5
simon
May 29, 2026

That is addressed in the policy, as the negative gearing still can be applied if you are buying a new build; whilst buying an existing home means you can't negatively gear anymore.

hellyripphin
May 28, 2026

Could you write about how you are going to find enough people to build the houses in the first place, if you want to cut migration? And where you are going to find the huge numbers of carers, nurses and medical industry personnel to care for the ageing population, when demand for care services is exploding? Not to mention the exploding demand for mental health and disability care from younger generations? Easy to talk about cutting migration - but there are not enough people to do that work. Wouldn't it be better to talk about the fact that the government regulations prevent the modification of existing housing stock, to allow multiple, independent adults to share? (Many councils even prevent multiple independent adults living in 'one house' !!! ) "granny flats", or adding on bathrooms and separate entrances, dividing up existing housing stock - governments make that near impossible with all their red tape. And the ridiculous requirement to have off street parking for XX cars, when society should be moving toward shared vehicles and public transport. Maybe write about that, instead of fuelling the hatred toward immigrants, who we desperately need to fill the roles mentioned above?

4
Allan
May 28, 2026

I see no "fuelling the hatred toward migrants". This kind of accusation has become a popular way to stifle the very necessary discussion that needs to be had about the rate of immigration. Australia consistently runs close to, if not the highest rate of immigration in the OECD.

As one of the most multicultural countries in the world, I find these accusations quite disingenuous. Immigrants grow old too. If the topic is beyond debate, is there any number of new arrivals that is too high?

Are we doing those new arrivals any favours when as a country we are unable to provide many of them with anything like the lifestyle, services, and healthcare they had hoped for when they came here?

As an aside, very few of the immigrants who arrive here each year are involved in construction.

8
Robert G
May 31, 2026

Some months ago now, I accessed some information from ABS data
Post COVID, and in the 40 months leading up to then, immigration numbers were staggering - around 1.3 million.
Over the 40 months, I did the maths and the average was roughly 1000 per day.
Supply of residential properties is often reported as the major problem, but it wpuld never match those numbers.
How come demand is always plays second fiddle to supply ?

3
Davo
May 28, 2026

We have 20% underemployment

1
Ben
May 31, 2026

The above article was an objective, well written article. To make accusations of “fuelling the hatred toward immigrants “ seems like you are just trying to shut down comments that you don’t want to hear and don’t suit your world view.

2
Rowen Kelly
May 28, 2026

Don't forget about the 'short stay; accommodations (Airbnb, Stays etc.) which means that thousands of long-term rental properties were removed from the normal rental market!

3
Dauf
May 28, 2026

Excellent article that puts data to what is pretty obvious to most rational observers. It’s not rocket science…but we clearly need the political will to do what is needed; and obvious with confirming data from other countries.

We can speculate why these sensible (for Australia and esp the young generation) decisions are not being made, but it’s also pretty obvious. Fingers crossed for some mature leadership moving forwards

3
Andrew Pik
May 28, 2026

And don't forget that a good percentage of apartment dwellings in particular, 10 to 20% by some estimates, are unused, empty. Bought by foreign investors by various means to house their student children here on student visas temporarily, and remaining empty, as a way of parking money, once they left. What a waste and look and what a negative impact.

3
Jason
May 29, 2026

There is nothing wrong with immigration unless its taken to the extreme because it creates other problems. Albanese Governement is running immigration levels around 311,000 per annum, which is quite high compared to the average level of around 250,000 prior to COVID. The rental crisis has turned into a cost of living crisis and many voters are angry and looking for a change. If the Albanese Government is not careful of not understanding these drivers it would swing a lot of voters to One Nation. If One Nation is in power they have a policy to cap immigration to 130,000 per year. If this occured this will swing this crisis from one extreme to another extreme. Our political parties need to adopt sensible decisions rather than going for the extreme.

2
Allan
May 31, 2026

I have no position on One Nation, but for perspective, until the early 2000s, the immigration rate was around 70000 per year.

On that basis perhaps 130000 doesn't sound like such an extreme downside. I believe Canada recently went negative as they try to process a lengthy period of high immigration.

Ultimately the specific number probably matters less than what can be sensibly managed, but how likely are we to get that objective and evidence based thinking from the same people who have been running the current policies for decades?

2
Daryl O'Connor
May 31, 2026

Excellent article Jason. Good, clear analysis.

2
lyn
June 01, 2026

To Jason Teh, Excellent article, first graph tells the story clearly. Perhaps it's just a 'let's catch our breath' moment to slow down for a while until the country has caught up and then immigration can be increased again.

1
simon
May 29, 2026

On the immigration. Yes it is a good policy. But how good? I think perhaps it is so good that the government can't bring it down, as the negative impact on the economy would be so dire. I am no expert but it seems to me to be like a business. How do you grow your business? Squeeze bigger profits from your current customer base? Or make your customer base bigger? Realistically, it is the latter method that must make most businesses grow. Why would our domestic economy be any different?

Allan
May 31, 2026

High immigration has been the lazy way for successive governments since the early 2000s to boost headline GDP, while steering the country into a per capita recession.

But you won't hear too much dissent in this policy, in part because change now would be hard work. But for obvious reasons there is little desire on the part of vested interests to reduce the immigration rate, including the mainstream media.

3
robert
June 04, 2026

As an economist and a SOMETIMES sensible thinker ['Lock 10 economists in a room and ask them a simple question and you'll get 20 complex answers' = one of my little self-composed musings about silly economists like me and the rest of the cohort], the comparison of TOTAL immigration versus total housing construction is highly misrepresenting of the real issue here.


The relevant comparative metric is total immigration FAMILIES not PERSONS. Unless, for instance, the average [I hate what I term the "fallacy of the average" by the way!] a newly arrived four person family[mum, dad and two kids] seeks to find a SEPARATE rental property for each family member [one separate home/apartment EACH, for mum, dad, child one and child two [ie will be looking for 4 separate rental properties [or homes per se, if they want to buy eventually and just rent temporarily - this is important because long term housing affordability demands LONG TERM policy solution - not ill-considered knee-jerk political reaction and comment], then the houses sought by newly arrived immigrants [whether rental or new-buy] is 315,000/4 = circa-79,000 new constructions versus 165,000 annual new ones as quoted in this article.


It is beyond my obviously limited/undersized cognitives to ever understand these soughts of portrayals of reality and the fundamental mathematics that seems to be missed here. I do not otherwise want to express personal [just economics theoretic] comments here on this vexing issue of immigration versus housing affordable of Australian families as a whole. I don't normally have the time [or desire] to post comments on the endless stream of articles that hit my email space, but this one could not be left ignored!!

Bruiser
June 04, 2026

Sounds reasonable doesn't it? In isolation. There are reports that the housing prices in Canada and New Zealand have dropped by approximately 30%. Can you imagine the wailing and gnashing of teeth of the vested interests and homeowners that are currently mobilising against the proposed negative gearing and CGT changes if that happened here?

 

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