The debate over the budget continues and I suspect many Firstlinks’ readers have strong opinions. Some of those opinions are well reasoned and rational. Some are based on how particular budget measures impact personal circumstances which is a natural view to take.
But some reactions are fully or partially based on grievances against a particular cohort of people. You’ve likely heard this grievance-based commentary – ‘tax those ‘rich’ people who don’t deserve their wealth’ or ‘the government is taking my hard-earned money and giving it to lazy, entitled people who don’t deserve it.’
At the heart of any grievance-based argument is the notion that one group deserves something and one group doesn’t. This is called the belief in justice theory. Coined by social psychologist Melvin Lerner the theory outlines how critical it is to the human psyche to believe that people get what they deserve.
This works both ways – hard work and sacrifice is supposed to pay off while the lazy and ignorant should pay the price.
Traditionally the focus of the belief in justice theory was on the downsides. The origin of the theory stemmed from work done by controversial social psychologist Stanley Milgram. He was the guy who ran experiments where subjects administered increasingly high levels of electric shocks to victims.
The shocks were fake but 65% of all subjects administered shocks at a level they were told would seriously injure the other party. Milgram wanted to explore obedience and how so many people could have participated in the holocaust.
Lerner built on his work and was partially inspired by the lack of empathy he witnessed from other psychologists who had the tendency to blame their mentally ill patients for their condition.
There is more than enough grievance-based commentary, but it is also worth considering the positive aspects of the belief in justice theory. As easy as it is to focus on the negative, I think the main problem we are facing in Australia is an eroding belief that people get what they deserve.
The upside of the belief in justice theory is the promotion of something psychologists call prosocial behaviour. It is prosocial behaviour that improves the way people interact with other people. This forms the basis of a strong society.
Individuals who exhibit a strong sense that people get what they deserve believe their efforts will pay off. Many Australians have lost this faith.
The issues faced by Australians and the proposed solutions
Australian National University’s Mapping Social Cohesion project shows the extent of the disillusionment. In 2013 80% of Australians between the ages of 25 and 34 believed Australia was a land of economic opportunity and if they worked hard they would live a better life. By 2025 it was down to 51%.
Housing affordability is the problem and there is a significant amount of research showing the impact of giving up on being able to afford a home. Research from economists at the University of Chicago and Northwestern showed that if there is no realistic prospect of being able to afford a home people increase risky investments / betting, reduce work effort and increase leisure spending.
In contrast research by Seung Hyeong Lee and Younggeun Yoo shows people that see a realistic pathway to home ownership take part in less risky behaviour and work harder.
There is clearly an issue that needs to be addressed with younger generations. To deny this or to blame all young people for their predicament ignores the facts. Will the budget address younger generations concerns in any tangible way? Some are more confident than me – but that doesn’t mean there isn’t a problem.
In making substantial changes to the tax system there are other considerations that go beyond the dollars and cents. For my completely overlooked generation and older millennials, the rules for building wealth have changed after people have started down the pathway of making a life. They have changed before anyone has fully taken advantage of the previous tax policies.
Tax policy is not a contract. Governments can - and do - change taxes and rules frequently. But building wealth is a long-term endeavour. It means sacrificing today in the hopes of a better future. It takes patience and faith in the future. It means doing the right things with the expectation it will pay off.
There is an implicit faith when these decisions are made that taxes and rules will stay substantially consistent. When things change it can feel unfair which erodes belief in the future as well. To ignore this impact is foolhardy and to downplay the knock-on effects of major tax changes is intellectually dishonest.
Sometimes trade-offs are worth it and many of the previous policies like the 5% deposit scheme tried to avoid hurting one group while helping another. That isn’t how life works – somebody needs to lose for others to win.
All Australians would benefit from a more rigorous debate on the effectiveness of the proposed changes in addressing the real issues the country faces. Doing this requires leaving the grievance-based commentary out of public discourse.
The Firstlinks’ community is knowledgeable and thoughtful and can easily rise above grievance-based commentary. I would love to hear your thoughts in the comments section on the positive and negative impacts of the budget proposals.
Mark LaMonica
Also in this week's edition...
Inflation doesn’t just raise today’s bills - it quietly increases the amount needed to retire, while simultaneously making it harder to save. Jen Richardson outlines three steps to take before June 30th to help improve retirement outcomes.
AI fears have shifted from bubble talk to disruption anxiety, driving investors toward asset-heavy, “AI-resistant” businesses while punishing many software and service firms. Matt Reynolds thinks this environment may be ripe for stock pickers.
Private markets can offer diversification and return potential, but their opacity, scale and wide dispersion of outcomes make manager selection and due diligence critical for non-institutional investors. Marc-André Lewis proposes an approach for investors to get the most out of private markets.
True financial success isn’t about how much you make, but whether you can sustain it — survival is the only win that matters. Nick Maggiulli argues for building wealth through quiet, disciplined investing.
Joe Wiggins outlines how assets that deliver emotional satisfaction tend to offer lower financial returns, as investors accept an “emotional yield” in place of performance which shapes how investors approach ESG and unpopular assets.
Global REITs have fallen out of favour, trading at deep discounts after years of underperformance, despite resilient earnings and improving fundamentals. David Kruth makes the case for REITs.
Jason Teh outlines why Australia's biggest energy bet may already be redundant while a less celebrated government program is exceeding expectations.
This week's white paper is Dexus' latest Australian Real Asset Quarterly Review looking at the widening divergence between listed and unlisted real assets.
Curated by Mark LaMonica and Leisa Bell
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Weekend market update
From Shane Oliver, AMP
This Budget represents a good move in the right direction:
- It’s the first budget under the current Government to see all the revenue windfall saved and net budget savings over the forward estimates. So in this sense it’s more responsible than the last few budgets.
- It’s a significant package of moves to deregulate and encourage more business investment which should help boost productivity.
- There are more measures to help boost housing supply.
- It includes tentative moves towards tax reform in regards to the tax concessions – which may go some way to reduce perceptions of unfair advantage by older generations when it comes to housing.
- There is more scope for upside revenue surprise with still cautious commodity price assumptions.
And the budget deficit and debt ratios are a fraction of the averages for comparable countries, with the debt/GDP ratio being around half.
- Structural deficits. While the budget deficits are now smaller than projected, they continue out to mid next decade despite another round of revenue windfalls and new tax measures. This sees no money put aside for a rainy day over the forecast period until 2036 which is off in the never never. The ratcheting up of spending on temporary revenue windfalls in past budgets leaves the budget vulnerable to a reversal of the windfalls.
- Government spending was cut by far less than hoped leaving it higher than normal using up capacity in the economy. In the next two financial years net policy decisions have led to policy easing due to more spending. This arguably adds slightly to inflationary pressures in the economy rather than reduces them. And over the forward years policy has only tightened by $8.2bn due to increased revenue presumably flowing from the changes to tax concessions. And at a high level, Federal Government spending as a share of GDP over the next decade has been shaved only slightly to 26.5% from 26.9% in the December MYEFO this is still well above the pre-Covid average of 24.8%. This leaves little room for a pickup in private spending in the economy without hitting capacity constraints and higher inflation. And this is probably about as good as it will get as by next year’s budget we will bumping up against the next election where the pressure will be once again to ramp up spending.
- Reliance on bracket creep and higher taxes to return to budget balance. Revenue is projected to start trending up from 2028-29 reaching a record 27% of GDP by 2036-37 as bracket creep kicks in. The rising burden on Millennials & Gen Z is unfair and unrealistic. Politicians will eventually want to give some back as “tax cuts”. But then how will we get back to surplus then?
- Off budget spending. This remains a big issue as governments have been allocating increasing spending as “off-Budget” on the grounds that it’s an “investment”. This is resulting in a widening gap between the underlying cash balance (referred to above) and the headline balance (which includes “investments”). In fact, for the next financial year the headline deficit is projected to be $64.1bn compared to the underlying cash deficit of $31bn. However, much of this spending is not wise investment but it adds to public debt.
- Tax hikes are not tax reform. While curtailing access to tax concessions is a move in the direction of tax reform (as the CGT discount was arguably too generous and some rorted negative gearing) without addressing other failures in the tax system they amount to little more than a tax hike and are not tax reform. They have done nothing to ease Australia’s high reliance on income tax and will further add to the already very progressive nature of the Australian tax system – where the top 5% of taxpayers pay 32% of income tax collected and the top 10% pay nearly 50% - which will act as a further disincentive to work effort. Tax reform should be aimed at improving the tax system’s efficiency - so it distorts economic decisions and resource allocation less - by relying less on income tax and more on the GST. While income earned from assets may be taxed lightly relative to income earned as a wage and salary earner this should be addressed by lowering the taxation of income where our income tax rates are quite onerous compared to similar countries. Eg, the top marginal tax rate is well above the median of comparable countries and kicks in at a relatively low multiple of average earnings.
- More needs to be done to confidently boost productivity growth. To boost productivity growth – which is essential if we want to see faster growth in per capita GDP and hence living standards – the key things we need to see are: a reduction in the size of the public sector in the economy to free up resources for the more efficient private sector; tax reform to make the tax system simpler (so easier to comply with) and more efficient (so it distorts economic decisions less); and a range of reforms to make it easier for the private sector to grow and employ. The Budget saw some improvement but its modest overall: the public sector is still projected to remain larger than pre-Covid; the curtailment of the tax concessions may have boosted perceptions of fairness and improved simplicity but have done nothing to reduce the distortion to work incentive caused by our high reliance on income tax; and the moves to reduce regulation and encourage investment will help but there has been no move to address excessive labour market regulation. And “Future Made in Australia” subsidies run the risk of reducing productivity over time. So, all up there is likely a lot more to be done to confidently get sustainable productivity growth back to around 1.5% growth per annum.
- Housing. The changes to negative gearings and the CGT discount could result in a 5% of so fall in home prices in the short term as investors retreat due to a fall in the perceived after-tax return to property investment and this will no doubt be chalked up as a win for the policy change. But it’s doubtful that the moves will boost housing affordability much over the longer term – as the basic driver of this is a shortage of housing relative to underlying population driven housing demand. While negative gearing is to remain for new homes it’s likely to result in unintended consequences by eg making it harder for first home buyers to get into new housing. And policies that reduce investor interest in property overall will likely lead to less housing supply not more - with even the Budget papers estimating that the tax changes will reduce supply by 35,000 homes over a decade. Rather the focus should be on addressing the fundamental housing demand-supply imbalance, but the Budget is now projecting slightly higher immigration and so more demand and it’s not clear that it will improve supply despite the $2bn for new housing infrastructure and given the hit from the tax changes. The Government was right in its first term to focus on boosting supply but now two years into the Housing Accord goal to produce 240,000 homes a year we have been running around 60,000 below target and so making no inroads into the undersupply of housing which we estimate to be between 200,000 to 300,000 dwellings.
- Fairness. The move to wind back housing tax concessions may be popular with younger voters but its more about optics than fundamentals. Older generations have got the benefit of these tax concessions to grow their wealth and now they are being curtailed for the young! What’s more as noted above the property tax changes are unlikely to fix the undersupply of housing. The key ways to improve intergenerational equity are to: boost productivity growth so living standards grow at a rate older generations experienced; get the housing balance right with more supply and less immigration; and raise the GST so as to raise more tax from older self-funded retirees – and yes that will include one of us in a few years’ time! - and cut income tax in order to lower the tax burden on workers. And as already noted the tax hikes may also be judged unfair for older higher income workers because they amount to a tax hike at a time when the income tax system is already highly progressive.
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